Joshua Biem

The existence of Private Military Contractors (PMCs) worldwide is nothing new, especially with their constant involvement in an ever-conflict-ridden global theatre. Nigeria has been overwhelmed by insecurity, resulting in destabilisation and inadvertently taking a toll on citizens. The Nigerian government turned to unconventional means in its search for viable solutions to this menace: hiring Private Military Contractors. However, this approach has unleashed varying views for and against their employment for security purposes over the years. Recent developments have renewed the conversation around private military forces. In October 2024, Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume, representing Borno South, called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to hire military contractors as a short-term solution to combat Boko Haram and banditry in northern Nigeria. This proposal comes in response to another attack in Ngoshe, Gwoza Local Government Area on 1^st October 2024. The attack resulted in the deaths of five and the abduction of 15 others. Prior to the incident in Gwoza and the call from Senator Ndume, a political analyst, Issa Diawara, stated that the alternative to solving insecurity on the continent could be PMCs.

Recent calls align with practices in some countries where governments engage military contractors to complement their forces in specific conflicts. Countries like the United States, Russia, and France have often employed these private actors to enhance military operations. Contractors, equipped with advanced military hardware, could swiftly neutralise insurgent threats, working alongside the Nigerian military and the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF), who possess valuable local knowledge of the terrain. From the angle of urgency, mercenaries could handle immediate threats while the government recruits and trains Nigerian youths to expand the military in the long run.

In a Nextier publication, the recent calls are also linked to the historical presence of some PMCs in the country. One such PMC with a significant presence in Nigeria is South African-Based Executive Outcomes, which has its presence in other African countries. At some point during the 1990s, it was reported that Executive Outcomes aided the Nigerian government through military actions against various rebel groups within the Niger Delta region. Also, PMC Conella Services was engaged by President Goodluck Jonathan to fight Boko Haram in December 2014. More recently, the Russian Mercenary Group Wagner group has maintained its presence in Africa especially seen with the invitation by the Niger Republic Junta. It is deducible that they are readily available to offer their services to Nigeria, which has grappled with insecurity over time.

The Nigerian government’s consideration of exploring PMCs as a potential solution further stems from their ability to offer specialised skills and resources that are not readily available within the state apparatus. PMCs can provide trained personnel, modern equipment, and tactical expertise in combating insurgency and terrorism. This can significantly enhance the capacity and effectiveness of national security forces. Moreover, hiring PMCs offers operational flexibility and adaptability that the conventional armed forces often cannot achieve. Because they are private organisations, PMCs are not limited by bureaucratic red tape or political concerns that prevent government troops from acting on time. This means they can respond fast enough to new security challenges, making them a choice for authorities grappling with immediate security problems.

However, this employment of PMCs has its load of problems and ethical difficulties. Human rights abuses and lack of accountability are among the primary concerns. They operate outside established legal structures that oversee the activities of military forces in a country; hence, there is unease in their actions and compliance with international law, as well as respect for human rights. Proper oversight and regulation must be implemented so that using these contractors does not encourage impunity or aggravate existing violations against human rights. For instance, there was praise for the Executive Outcomes group when it helped quell unrest, but they were also accused of using excessive force and violating human rights.

Furthermore, there are economic implications associated with employing PMCs. Engaging private security providers is often expensive, as they operate on a profit-driven business model. This raises questions about the transparency of procurement processes, potential corruption, and the long-term financial sustainability of relying on private contractors for security needs. One notable debate involved the activities of a private military company known as Blackwater, which allegedly provided protection services to oil companies running in the Niger Delta area. In 2007, Blackwater guards took part in a shooting in Baghdad, Iraq, that led to the deaths of several non-combatants. This event raised worries about who was responsible for and overseeing private military companies working in conflict areas and brought calls for more rules over their activities.

Despite these challenges, PMCs can offer valuable support in addressing Nigeria’s security concerns. However, their usage should be accompanied by robust regulatory frameworks, strong accountability mechanisms, and a clear delineation of responsibilities between the government and private entities. Establishing oversight bodies to monitor the activities of PMCs and ensure adherence to international standards and legal frameworks becomes imperative. On one hand, the engagement of military contractors could offer a swift, albeit temporary, solution to the nation’s escalating insecurity. On the other, it may normalise the reliance on privatised military force, blurring the lines between state and non-state actors. This development mirrors global concerns about the increasing influence of hired guns in modern conflicts; utilising Private Military Contractors presents a debatable solution to Nigeria’s insecurity. Also, while they can offer specialised skills, resources, and operational flexibility, concerns regarding human rights abuses, accountability, and long-term financial sustainability must be addressed. It is essential to establish robust monitoring mechanisms to oversee PMC activities. It may include mandating PMCs to make regular reports on their operations, finances and compliance with international human rights norms. More importantly, Nigeria must have comprehensive legislation that will govern the operations of PMCs in Nigeria. This can necessitate licensing obligations for companies with tight conduct and professional standards. Wrongdoings under these rules should attract penalties, including withdrawal of licenses and legal action where necessary.

Furthermore, there is a need to ensure that personnel in PMCs receive sufficient education regarding international humanitarian law, human rights, and engagement protocols. Prosecuting them legally would be one way of holding PMCs accountable for violating these standards. The Nigerian government needs to invest in strengthening the capacity and effectiveness of Nigerian security forces, including the military and law enforcement agencies, to respond appropriately to the internal security challenges they face. As Nigeria grapples with this evolving security landscape, the conversation around private military contractors reflects broader anxieties about sovereignty, governance, and the future of national security.

Vote-buying, or exchanging goods, services, or money in return for votes, is a prevalent and growing problem undermining the integrity of Nigeria’s electoral process. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the 2023 general elections recorded a 22 per cent incidence of vote-buying, a five per cent increase from the 17  per cent recorded in the 2019 elections. This worrying trend has been heightened in several elections, including the recently concluded Edo governorship election, which was marred by allegations of vote-buying. In some instances, voters are offered between ₦3,000 to ₦10,000 in exchange for their votes.

The persistence of vote-buying is not limited to Nigeria. According to a 2022 report by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), countries like Bulgaria, Indonesia, and the Philippines also struggle with this problem, with one-third of voters admitting to being offered money, food or favours in exchange for their votes. Similar trends were observed in the Dominican Republic and Sierra Leone, where a quarter of voters reported vote-buying attempts, and in Argentina, one-fifth of voters experienced the same. These statistics indicate a broader, systemic problem that undermines democratic processes across multiple countries, especially developing democracies.

Vote-buying has severe consequences for any country where it thrives, and Nigeria is no exception. One of the most significant costs is its ability to perpetuate corrupt politicians in power. By bribing voters, these politicians can circumvent the democratic process and maintain their grip on leadership, even if they are incompetent or lack the vision to improve the country. This practice prevents qualified individuals from taking office and stifles the development of innovative ideas and policies that could benefit the nation. When vote-buying compromises elections, the cycle of corruption and stagnation becomes self-perpetuating, hindering the country’s progress and leaving citizens disillusioned with the political system.

Furthermore, vote-buying can significantly weaken a country’s democratic institutions. In Nigeria, where democracy is already facing numerous challenges, the prevalence of vote-buying exacerbates these problems. It erodes public trust in the electoral process, discourages voter participation, and undermines the government’s legitimacy. The consequences of vote-buying extend beyond the political sphere and have a detrimental impact on various aspects of society. It can lead to economic instability, social unrest, and a decline in public services. When politicians are more concerned with securing their positions through bribery than serving the people’s interests, the country will inevitably suffer.

There are various reasons why vote-buying persists in Nigeria. Among these are poverty, social and cultural norms, and ignorance. Nigeria’s economic downturn in recent years has exacerbated this problem, with the poverty rate increasing substantially. In 2023, Nigeria’s poverty rate stood at 38.9 per cent, meaning that 87 million of the population live below the poverty line. This makes Nigeria the second poorest country in the world. In such an environment, the lure of vote-buying becomes powerful. Politicians exploit this economic vulnerability by offering cash or material incentives for votes. Various studies, including those conducted in Nigeria and other African nations, reveal a strong correlation between poverty and vote-selling. A Chatham House survey on vote-buying in Nigeria found that economically deprived individuals are particularly susceptible to selling their votes, a vulnerability politicians readily exploit to gain power.

Social and cultural norms also play a significant role in vote-buying persistence. In many parts of Nigeria, vote-buying has become an accepted part of the political landscape, driven by the widespread belief that corruption is pervasive and unavoidable. This fatalistic view, deeply embedded in societal and cultural norms, creates an environment where vote-buying is seen as just another facet of political life rather than a violation of democratic principles. The notion that “everyone is doing it” leads to a self-fulfilling prophecy, where citizens participate in corrupt practices because they believe it is inevitable. Over time, this has allowed vote-buying to become normalised, reinforcing a culture of political apathy and cynicism. Additionally, Nigeria’s discontent with democracy and a pervasive distrust of politicians fuel the acceptance of vote-buying. Many Nigerians, frustrated with the lack of meaningful political change, see no harm in selling their votes, perceiving it as a rare opportunity to gain something tangible from an otherwise corrupt and dysfunctional system.

Ignorance also contributes to the persistence of vote-buying. Low levels of education and political awareness leave many Nigerians vulnerable to the deceptive tactics of politicians who manipulate the electorate for personal gain. People with limited knowledge of the consequences of vote-buying may not fully understand how it undermines democracy and perpetuates bad governance. This ignorance creates a vicious cycle, as those who sell their votes remain trapped in poverty and marginalisation, unaware that their actions contribute to the very conditions that sustain their hardship. The lack of civic education and awareness among many Nigerians ensures that vote-buying continues to thrive, with the electorate often unaware of the long-term harm it causes to themselves and society.

The Nigeria Electoral Act 2022 lists vote buying as an electoral offence. The law states that a person who directly or indirectly gives money or gifts to influence a person’s vote or make a person refrain from voting commits an offence. It also states that if a voter receives money or such gift commits an offence. Individuals who give and receive money will be liable on conviction to 12 months imprisonment, ₦500,000, or both. Despite this law, vote-buying persists. This shows a lack of law enforcement, as well as a lack of education and ignorance about the dangers of this practice. This indicates that simply having laws in place is not enough without effective enforcement and public awareness.

To combat vote-buying, the government must take decisive steps. The effectiveness of any law depends on how strictly it is enforced. Therefore, the government must ensure that the provisions of the Electoral Act are enforced without exceptions. This could involve stricter punishment for anyone who engages or receives any gift, money, or other favour in the hope that such things will affect the electoral process. In addition, there should be robust policies that protect whistleblowers from retaliation, as this would encourage more people to report instances of vote-buying and contribute to its reduction.

Addressing the socioeconomic realities that drive vote-buying is equally crucial. As mentioned earlier, poverty is one of the main factors behind the persistence of vote-buying in Nigeria. The government must tackle the root causes by investing in education, particularly skills development, and creating policies that stimulate economic growth. Reducing poverty would diminish the need for citizens to sell their votes in exchange for short-term gains. Furthermore, the government must address other socioeconomic concerns, such as insecurity and lack of jobs. This will reduce the need for citizens to sell their votes. Public awareness campaigns are also essential. In the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), in collaboration with non-governmental organisations, the government (local, state and national) must raise awareness about the dangers of vote-buying. Civic education initiatives should be heightened to educate citizens about the laws prohibiting vote-buying and its negative impact on governance and national development.

Cultism has long plagued Nigeria’s South East region, and in recent years, Anambra State has become a hotspot for violent cult clashes. Cult groups, once confined to campuses, have spilt over into communities, wreaking havoc through organised crime, political manipulation, and territorial battles. According to the Nextier Violent Conflicts Database, between September 2023 – September 2024, there were six cult clashes in the South East, with Anambra recording four incidents. Anambra State, with its cities like Onitsha and Awka, has witnessed disturbing incidences of cult-related violence. Cult groups often engage in turf wars, resulting in the deaths of their members and innocent bystanders. The allure of power, quick money, and protection draws in many unemployed and vulnerable youths, making the state a hotbed of criminal activity.

Cultists have recently tightened their grip over Awka and its surrounds, with confrontations between opposing factions killing over 20 people since Easter Sunday of 2024. Additionally, these areas are located near the Governor’s Lodge and the operational headquarters of the Anambra State Police Command. Still, the culprits have maintained their murdering spree with little pushback from security personnel. The attack in Awka South Local Government Area is a stark reminder of the persistent danger posed by cultism in Anambra. On October 20, 2024, a gang of suspected cultists opened fire on a rival group at a restaurant, which led to the death of 15 people and others severely injured. Police reports suggest that a rivalry between two cult factions sparked the fight. The incident has sent shockwaves through the state and the country, raising concerns about the state government’s ability to contain the spiralling violence. In another incident in May 2024, suspected cultists gunned down one person at a filling station at Aroma roundabout, and the following morning, a repeat of the incident occurred in the same area. Reports revealed the incident stemmed from a battle for control.

The Awka South cult clash is not an isolated incident but part of a broader security crisis in Anambra State. Over the last few years, the state has been grappling with various forms of violent crime, including kidnappings, armed robbery, and political thuggery, often fuelled by cult-related activities. Cult members frequently engage in extortion, harassing local businesses, market traders, and transport operators. The cyclical violence between rival groups has created a climate of fear and insecurity, particularly in urban areas like Awka, Onitsha, and Nnewi. Anambra’s status as a commercial hub makes it particularly vulnerable to crimes. Extortion of money from businesses and kidnapping of individuals are common occurrences, with cult members playing key roles in these criminal enterprises. With cult groups operating with relative impunity, the safety of the state’s residents has been jeopardised, forcing many communities to resort to local vigilantes.

The Anambra State government, under the leadership of Governor Charles Soludo, has repeatedly pledged to tackle the menace of cultism and restore peace to the state. In the wake of the Awka South incident, the state government condemned the violence and vowed to bring the perpetrators to justice. Also, security forces in Anambra, including the Nigerian Police Force, the military, and local vigilante groups, have been actively working to curb cult activities. In the past, police raids led to the arrest of suspected cult members and the confiscation of weapons. Despite these efforts, cult-related violence has persisted, with some attributing the problem to the deep entrenchment of cultism in the political and socio-economic fabric of the state.

A major challenge in addressing cultism is the alleged collusion between some political elites and cult groups. During election periods, politicians have been known to hire cultists as thugs, offering protection in exchange for violent services. This political patronage not only emboldens cult members but also makes it difficult for law enforcement agencies to dismantle their operations effectively.

In response to the worsening security situation, the government has encouraged the formation of community vigilante groups to assist formal security forces. These groups have played a crucial role in curbing minor crimes and maintaining order in areas where the police presence is limited. Community leaders and civil society organisations have also called for a more holistic approach to combating cultism, emphasising the need to address the root causes of the problem. Poverty and unemployment are often cited as key drivers of cult membership. Without providing alternative livelihood pathways for youth, efforts to stem the tide of cultism will be short-lived. The recent cult clash in Awka South reminds us of Anambra State’s security challenges. As cult groups continue to wield power and instil fear, the government must intensify its efforts to root out these criminal elements. Beyond punitive measures, there is a pressing need for long-term solutions that address the socio-economic factors driving youth into cultism.