Daily Analysis Waters of Gloom by NextierSPD January 19, 2023 Published by NextierSPD About 600 people have died from one of Nigeria’s worst flooding crises. September and October 2022 came with flooding disasters across many Nigerian states. Nigeria’s Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development (MHADMSD) disclosed that beyond the death toll, about 2,407 persons were injured, and while 121,318 houses were partially damaged, 82,053 homes were fully destroyed. Also, while 108,392 hectares of farmlands have been significantly destroyed, about 332,327 more hectares are completely damaged across the nation. Several communities have been submerged, leading to forced displacement and humanitarian crises. Nigeria’s flooding crisis comes during food insecurity and economic malaise. A report by the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) in March 2022 held that about 19.4 million Nigerians would face food scarcity between July and August 2022. This prediction will likely extend beyond the timeline and, equally, include more people given the intensity of flooding and destruction of farmlands nationwide. Furthermore, the ubiquity of violence is already troubling many farming communities, disrupting farming cycles and preventing farmers from accessing their farmlands. Flooding will add more pressure to the troubled agricultural activities in the country and, by extension, the price of food items. Beyond the floods and displacements, affected communities will have a hard time recovering from the losses, given that their homes and sources of livelihood have been destroyed. The humanitarian challenges of the flood crisis will add more pressure to resource and identity-based conflicts in Nigeria. About 2 million people are displaced due to the current flooding disasters across Nigeria. There is a likelihood of more undocumented and unreported displacement data. The displaced population will seek assistance in areas outside of their zone, which are often overstretched camps and hostile host communities. Also, given that host communities did not anticipate the influx of vulnerable people or are inadequately supported, struggle over limited resources may lead to new conflicts and displacements. Recall that Nigeria is witnessing a protracted conflict between farmers and pastoralists, with land access being the bone of contention. The destroyed farmlands and grazing routes will add more pressure on both economic groups’ struggle for resources, leading to potential violent conflicts. Furthermore, the current flooding threatens Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. With 2 million people, a portion of Nigeria’s voting population, already displaced as of October 17th, 2022, the victims may seek refuge in places outside their polling units, which means that they may be automatically disenfranchised if they are unable to return before the polls. Also, abandonment of the flooding sites, destruction of road infrastructure, schools, and village halls often designated as polling booths may mean that voting activities are unlikely to occur in these places, except Nigeria’s electoral umpire makes additional provisions for newly displaced voters and disaster zones. Given that the return and resettlement of northeast residents displaced by insurgency have been slow but steady over the years, swift return of flooding victims is arguably unlikely, especially if there is inadequate humanitarian support to aid their resettlement and reintegration. While the Federal Government of Nigeria is beckoning state governments to take more responsibility in managing the flood disaster, there is a need to push for support from the development agencies and private sector. The flooding crisis will affect existing programmes around climate change, humanitarian challenges, displacement and food insecurity. There is a need to mobilise local and international stakeholders working in the space toward a holistic response strategy to manage immediate humanitarian needs while devising sustainable solutions to address its aftermath, which includes provisions for the displaced population, arranging for their return and resettlement. The flooding crisis is both a climate issue and an institutional deficit. According to a recent Nextier Policy Weekly, Nigeria must build the capacity of its disaster management institutions to prevent and reduce disaster risk by allocating adequate logistics to such institutions to mitigate disaster occurrence through timely interventions. The article also recommends the development of disaster-resilient communities, especially in areas with the likelihood of a flooding crisis. With the support of the private sector, this approach will include the construction and maintenance of physical infrastructure that can withstand disasters and protect lives and livelihoods. In line with the possibilities of disenfranchised voters due to recent displacement, the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), Nigeria’s electoral umpire, should devise an evidence-based strategy for ensuring that Nigeria’s flood victims are not disenfranchised. This should lead to a more elaborate system of allowing registered voters to vote regardless of where they find themselves during the polls. Essentially, there is a need to consider the development of in-person and virtual voting options for Nigerian electorates. If not strategically addressed, the displacement incidents resulting from natural disasters and violence will pose representation and disenfranchisement issues in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. January 19, 2023 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Uncategorized NIGERIA VIOLENT CONFLICT WEEKLY SPOTLIGHT by NextierSPD December 10, 2022 Published by NextierSPD November 27 – December 03, 2022 | Volume 1, Issue 5 The review period (November 27 – December 3, 2022) recorded 29 violent conflict incidents resulting in 73casualties (deaths and injuries) and 44 kidnap victims across 17 states in Nigeria. Click on the link to assess the document December 10, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Policy Weekly 2023 Elections: Potential Flashpoints in the Northeast by NextierSPD December 7, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Ahead of Nigeria’s general elections in February 2023, Nextier SPD Policy Weekly has focused its analyses on the potential flashpoints and mitigation measures across the most vulnerable geopolitical zones in the last five weeks. As stated at the beginning of the series, the analyses aimed to draw the attention of the security apparatuses, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), international observers and other stakeholders to the potential threats and foreground Early Warning Action/mechanisms in response. Despite Nextier SPD’s advisory, threatsto the forthcoming polls remain significant. The attack and destruction of election materials at the INEC office at Oru West Local Government Area in Imo State on Sunday, December 4, 2022, marked the seventh of such premeditated attacks on INEC offices in five states across the country in the last four months. Attacks on innocent civilians continue unabated across the North-East, as exemplified by the attacks in Chibok in May 2022, in which seven persons were killed. The trend of violent attacks and inadequate arrests and prosecution of culprits show that the security agencies have not risen to the systematic threats to the forthcoming 2023 elections. In this concluding Weekly on the series, Nextier SPD examines the potential flashpoints in the North-East to the 2023 elections. It also highlights the policy measures needed to address potential security breaches. Click here to download report. December 7, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Uncategorized Nigeria Violent Conflict Weekly Spotlight by NextierSPD December 3, 2022 Published by NextierSPD November 20 – November 26, 2022 | Volume 1, Issue 4 Non-state armed actors have continued to threaten peace in Nigeria. Within the review period (November 13 – November19, 2022), 31 incidents were recorded across 15 states, which resulted in 110 casualties (deaths and injuries) and19 kidnap victims. Click on the link to access the report December 3, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Policy Discourse Special Issue (Policy Brief) by NextierSPD November 30, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Russia’s Military Necessity and the Conscription of African Prisoners in the Russia-Ukraine War: Policy Options for the African Union (AU) Quote: “Choose for yourself. Either private military corporations and prisoners or your children.” Background: As Russia came to terms with the challenge associated with the lack of combat infantry personnel in its war with Ukraine, the resort to conscription of prisoners became a viable option. It was reported that between 7,000 to 10,000 convicts had been sent to fight in Ukraine on behalf of the Russian Federation. In a report that was released, it was revealed that out of the 500 prisoners sent to Ukraine, only two are alive. Unfortunately, despite evidence that many of the prisoners sent to Ukraine are foreign nationals, there has not been any document that shows their nationalities. Click here to download the document November 30, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Policy Weekly Oil drilling in Northern Nigeria: How not to reproduce the experience of the Niger Delta by NextierSPD November 30, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Oil drilling has commenced in the North East of Nigeria after several years of massive investment, especially by the administration of President Buhari, to find oil in Northern Nigeria. At the end of the frontier oil exploration project, there was a discovery of a large quantity of oil and gas reserves in the Kolmani river basin which lies between Bauchi and Gombe States, Nigeria. The new oil spot is said to have up to 1 billion barrels of crude oil reserve and 500 million cubic feet of natural gas deposit. This finding is good news even as hydrocarbons are quickly losing their importance, and the global community is diversifying energy sources. The estimated phase-out period for fossil fuel and gas production is 2034 for developed countries and 2050 for developing countries. Thus, Nigeria can take advantage of the remaining years before the phase-out window for developing countries to build resources for integration into cleaner energy. Besides and more importantly, the oil drilling experience and the oil economy’s overall impact in the Niger Delta should be prevented in the oil fields of North East Nigeria. Click on the link to download November 30, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Daily Analysis Northeast Resilience by NextierSPD November 24, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Parts of northeast Nigeria are plagued by recurrent terrorist violence, notoriously perpetuated by Boko Haram and its 2016 splinter unit, the Islamic State West African Province (ISWAP). Although in recent months, running into years, a now-formidable ISWAP has carried out most of the recorded terror incidents in the region. Twelve years ago, the northeast became Nigeria’s most troubled zone, given the scale and frequency of armed attacks, the increasing number of displacements and humanitarian needs. About 350,000 people have been killed, 2.7 million persons displaced and 8.4 million more face humanitarian crises. Attacks in the region may have decreased, but the humanitarian realities are at high levels. The emergence of other violent conflicts in Nigeria may have reduced media focus on the northeast’s insurgency, but the region’s woes are far from over. Analysis from the Nextier Violent Conflicts Database shows a steady yearly increase in the terrorism incident rate. In 2020, 56 incidents leading to 581 casualties (deaths and injuries) were recorded. The figure stood at 65 incidents resulting in 478 casualties. Between January 2022 and November 21, 2022, 92 violent cases and 795 deaths and injuries were recorded, according to the Database. The northeast zone may not be Nigeria’s current major theatre of violence, but its residents are continually exposed to terror and overarching humanitarian needs. Resilience in the northeast has existed alongside the recurrent terror, humanitarian crisis and multiple interventions. A study by Nextier in 2019 portrayed novel efforts of many northeast communities in managing the realities of the insurgency. New roles of women, youths, and traditional and religious organisations governing their communities, resolving conflicts and maintaining a semblance of security. Beyond these efforts, there are cases where local resilience succumbed to new terror threats or stiffer humanitarian conditions. Major charity and development organisations have also hinted at possible harmful resilience practices that may undermine efforts to stabilise the region. This possibility suggests the need to undertake a periodic investigation on emerging resilience mechanisms communities are adapting to survive the insurgency and see how they can be regulated and supported. Beyond potentially harmful resilience mechanisms, stabilisation in these communities is threatened by neighbourhood effects of violence. In the northwest and northcentral Nigeria, armed banditry is rampaging several communities such that new reports claim bandits and northeast terrorists are collaborating. This suggests there is no end in sight to the terror in the northeast due to the ferocity of armed banditry and its spread across regions in Nigeria. Also, the Lake Chad Basin is dotted with violent conflict and climate change, with the two challenges reinforcing each other. Community resilience may be impacted by these external factors with or without humanitarian interventions. There is a need for greater coordination in the northeast and the broader Lake Chad Basin (LCB). The Nigerian government should increase partnerships with donor agencies to propel the northeast region’s development. The North East Development Commission (NEDC) must mobilise international support for the agency’s mission. The initial aspect of the plan should be tailored in line with current counterinsurgency and counterterrorism measures in the area. Countering extreme ideologies through community engagement and content-specific messaging will help present counter-narratives to terrorists’ antics. But investing in human capital will improve lives, provide better economic opportunities and empower people to be self-reliant. In addition, there is a need to pay attention to climate issues. The long decades of unaddressed drought, receding Lake Chad, and the lack of government presence are some key factors that birthed extremism in the insurgency. Therefore, there is a need to address the underlying ecological and demographic drivers of violent conflicts. November 24, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Featured Works 2023 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS by NextierSPD November 21, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Electoral Poll of Rural Communities in Nigeria Nextier conducted a face-to-face poll of registered voters in rural communities in 12 states in Nigeria. The independent survey by Nextier, a policy consulting firm, defined rural communities as local government areas without tertiary educational institutions. The survey, conducted in person between October 21 and 22, 2022, intentionally excluded state capitals and urban areas to ascertain the voting intention of dwellers in Nigeria’s rural communities. The poll yielded critical insights into voter preferences and the key issues that could shape the 2023 presidential election. For instance, 76.2 percent of survey respondents stated that Nigeria is moving in the wrong direction. Click here to download November 21, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Daily Analysis Where is Home? by NextierSPD November 15, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Nigeria has a displacement problem. Despite having about 2.7 million people already displaced in the insurgency-impacted northeast zone, thousands of people continue to make their way out of the nation’s violent scenes and, more recently, flooded communities. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), about 8.4 million people in the northeast zone will require humanitarian assistance in 2022. As of October 17th, 2022, about 600 deaths and over 2,407 injured persons have been recorded in 22 states affected by flooding in Nigeria. The statistics include thousands of destroyed houses and farmlands in the affected states. Since relative peace has not been restored in the conflict zones and the flooding crisis has not ended, millions of the victims face a humanitarian crisis. The victims of forced displacement in Nigeria often seek refuge in displacement camps and informal settlements characterised by harsh living conditions and often hostile host communities. The displacement problem has also birthed new sub-populations, including internally displaced people, refugees, host communities, and settlers. Humanitarian relief providers often struggle to cater to these groups’ distinct needs. Hence, there is often significant consideration of conflict sensitivity and social inclusion in project and programme designs. This is because, due to shrinking resources and increasing needs, the struggle for survival is often keenly contested along newly created identities. Worse, the days of a return to normalcy are unclear, despite the government’s ambitious plans to return and resettle the displaced population, especially in Borno state, arguably the worst hit of jihadist violence in the last twelve years. In recent months, nowhere seems to be home for the displaced population lodging in displacement camps across Borno state government is reportedly shutting down displacement camps in the area. Reports claim that the Borno State government deems the shutdown necessary as part of their development plan to remove people from humanitarian assistance and to build their resilience to contribute to the state’s growth. A report by Human Rights Watch holds that the government’s action has displaced about 200,000 people. HRW also posits that the Borno State government was harming people already living in precarious conditions by shutting down IDP camps. According to the group, from May 2021 to August 2022, Borno State authorities compelled over 140,000 people to evacuate from eight camps in the state capital, Maiduguri. Also, the report noted that two other camps with a combined total of nearly 74,000 people are set to be closed later in 2022. Where is home? Those compelled to leave the displacement camps are expected to make their return to rebuilt housing infrastructure by the state government. However, according to reports from the returning population, the houses have not been built. There is also a significant concern for alternative livelihood sources, security and collaboration with humanitarian organisations having to achieve their intervention schedules to match government’s shutting down of displacement camps. Like the rest of the world, Nigeria must first attend to the needs of its displaced population. Second, it must also address the triggers of displacement. The achievement of returning and resettling internally displaced persons will be more meaningful if the causes of displacement have been relatively addressed. The government must also ensure that the returning population are resettled in a secure environment where they can restart their lives. This will ensure they are not displaced again due to insecurity or internal crisis. There is a need to conduct an assessment of the displaced population scheduled for return and resettlement. The independent assessment will gauge their resilience and self-sufficiency and help identify gaps that may pose challenges upon their return. Also, such an assessment can capture the state of the resettlement locations in terms of security and availability of infrastructure needed to ensure survival and propel the growth of the local economy. Finally, the return and resettlement of the displaced population must follow a multi-stakeholder and bottom-up approach to ensure adequate support and sustainability. It is possible for the displaced population to also resist resettlement due to several factors. However, this is where adequate sensitisation and stakeholder engagement can help government manage the process of return and resettlement. The travails of displacement and its triggers troubles millions of Nigerian IDPs; without strategic return and resettlement workplan, the challenges may remain, if not worsen. November 15, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail
Policy Weekly 2023 Nigeria Elections:Potential Flashpoints in the South East Region by NextierSPD November 8, 2022 Published by NextierSPD Introduction In about one hundred and seven days from today (7th November 2022), Nigerians will be going to the ballot to choose the next managers of state power. Unfortunately, one challenge that has been constant to Nigeria’s election is violence targeted at compromising its cleanliness or ensuring that it does not occur. With a doubtful ability to curtail violence to the barest minimum during general voting, we can hardly speak about clean elections in which every qualified person participates or at least has an unencumbered chance of participating. Recent reports show that 1,149 persons, including employees of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and security officers, were killed in three elections held in 2011, 2015 and 2019. Also, in over forty-two attacks within a space of two years (2019 to 2021), INEC has lost 9,836 smart card readers, 345 ballot boxes, and 135 voting cubicles, among other assets. The attacks in INEC offices have occurred in 14 states across Nigeria, and South East has about 33 per cent of these attacks. Besides, there have been disruptions of political party activities and voter registration by groups who purport to be pro-Biafran movements in the South East. The last edition of our policy Weekly discussed Lagos State as a major flashpoint in the South West. This edition of Nextier SPD Policy Weekly analyses the flashpoints of potential electoral violence in South East Nigeria during the forthcoming 2023 general elections. Click here to download. November 8, 2022 0 comments 0 FacebookTwitterPinterestEmail