Daily Analysis

In Nigeria, an estimated 13.2 million children are out of school, with about 81 per cent being linked to the Almajiri system—a traditional Islamic educational framework practised in northern Nigeria for over 500 years. The Almajiri system is an Islamic education model dating back centuries, primarily in northern Nigeria. Etymologically, the term “Almajiri” is derived from the Arabic word “Al-Muhajirun,” meaning “migrant,” reflecting the practice of young boys travelling long distances from their homes to seek Quranic education under the guidance of an Islamic scholar (Mallam). The core purpose of the Almajiri system was to foster religious literacy by memorising the glorious Quran and moral development. It was designed to teach  Islamic values, train future spiritual leaders, and instil discipline and financial literacy in young boys. Historically, the local community played a vital role in supporting the system, ensuring that the children’s needs—such as food, shelter, and clothing—were met through communal responsibility. However, in recent years, the Almajiri system has faced increasing criticism.

The system remains disconnected from Nigeria’s formal education framework. This lack of integration denies about 7 million children access to a well-rounded education that includes literacy, numeracy, and life skills essential for socio-economic advancement. Consequently, many Almajiri children grow up ill-equipped to contribute meaningfully to the workforce, exacerbating poverty and inequality. Furthermore, underfunded and poorly managed, the Almajiri system often forces young boys into the street begging to survive. Almajiri students are frequently sent away from their homes and left to fend for themselves with minimal resources or support. It is common to see students roaming the streets and hanging around local restaurants or motor parks, begging to survive. This exploitation not only denies them the right to a proper childhood but also exposes them to abuse, malnutrition, and psychological trauma. According to studies, these exposures lead to troubling teenage life and low-capacity human capital for adults. In turn, these conditions for young adults make them susceptible to recruitment by extremist groups. The lack of opportunities and social integration for Almajiri fuels radicalisation and poses a significant threat to national security.

Over the years, successive governments have tried to reform the Almajiri system. In 2012, the government established a new Almajiri Integrated Model School to integrate Quranic education with formal schooling. Under this program, specialised schools were built to provide modern education alongside Islamic studies. Though the idea behind creating the model is a step in the right direction, a sustainability mechanism has not been put in place to ensure implementation.

The programme was undermined by politicisation, which used it as a political tool without sufficient planning to account for the socio-economic realities of northern Nigeria. Poor funding further hindered the initiative, exacerbated by Nigeria’s failure to allocate the UNESCO-recommended 26 per cent of its annual budget to education. This lack of investment significantly affected the program’s implementation and success.

Some parents and Islamic scholars opposed the integration of secular education, perceiving it as a threat to traditional values and a way of converting Muslims to Christians since the Christian Missionaries were seen as evangelists first and educationalists second because they were with the Bible that was also written in the English language. This view resists the system’s modernisation and prevents children from acquiring the necessary skills for their societal development.

Changes in government priorities led to the abandonment or scaling down of the program, leaving many schools defunct. For example, former President Goodluck Jonathan allocated about ₦ 15 billion to build Almajiri schools to integrate basic education into the system. However, many of these schools are now abandoned and non-functional. A multifaceted approach is essential to reforming the Almajiri system. A sustainability framework should prioritise collaboration with Islamic scholars, community leaders, and parents to foster trust and buy-in. Grassroots advocacy can help overcome resistance to modernisation efforts. The government, civil societies (CSOs), and other relevant stakeholders should strongly collaborate to educate local communities on the need to modernise the system and the short—and long-term benefits of modernisation.

Governments and development partners should invest in building well-equipped Almajiri schools and develop sustainable plans that will help keep them in place even after a change of government. Adequate remuneration for teachers and the provision of learning materials are essential for sustaining quality education. Establishing robust mechanisms to monitor the implementation of reforms ensures accountability and effectiveness. Periodic evaluations can identify gaps and inform necessary adjustments. A precise mechanism should be in place to ensure that such gaps are addressed.

Transforming the Almajiri system requires a realistic approach that addresses the spiritual and psychological beliefs of parents, mallams, and students. Many parents view sending their children to ‘Almajiranci’ as fulfilling a religious obligation. Reform efforts must show that religious duties can align with modern education. Unfortunately, past initiatives like the Almajiri Integrated Model Schools have focused solely on material benefits, neglecting the spiritual dimensions. Without addressing these beliefs, even well-meaning policies are unlikely to succeed. Addressing these challenges is a moral imperative and a critical step toward Nigeria’s socio-economic development.

The Sahel region is ravaged by violent extremism that has left the region destabilised. This has resulted in tremendous loss of lives, destruction of properties, and displacement. The region has also been dealing with political instability threatening to exacerbate vulnerabilities. Three Sahelian countries, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali, ruled by military juntas, in September 2023, created the Alliance of Sahel States or l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES). The alliance was created to back up the threat of retaliation against the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) if the organisation tried to intervene in the coup that happened in Niger. On January 28, 2024, these three countries announced their intention to withdraw from the ECOWAS. They accused the bloc of losing its way and cited it as a reason for their intent to withdraw. In the wake of these events, violent extremism has rapidly increased.

According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), fatalities across Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali reached an unprecedented high of 7,620 in the first half of 2024. This represents a 9 per cent increase compared to the same period in 2023, a 37 per cent increase compared to 2022, and a 190 per cent surge compared to 2021. These military junta-led nations are losing significant territories to terrorist groups, further exacerbating regional instability.

The countries’ decision to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is critically undermined regional cooperation, a cornerstone for addressing security challenges. The resulting breakdown in collaboration has contributed to the escalation of violent extremism, with the effects spilling over into neighbouring nations such as Benin, Ivory Coast, Togo, and Ghana. Between January 2021 and October 2023, these four countries reported 882 security incidents in their northern regions. This growing insecurity has severely disrupted social services, restricted market access, and heightened economic and social constraints across affected areas. Amid the escalating turmoil, the Sahel also contends with the compounding effects of climate change.

The effects of climate change are unfolding rapidly in the Sahel, where temperatures are rising at 1.5 times the global average. Projections indicate that regional temperatures will increase to 2.9 degrees Celsius by the short term (2021–2040) and could rise further to 2-4.3 degrees Celsius by 2080. These dramatic shifts are already devastatingly impacting the region, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities and creating new challenges. One of the most visible consequences of climate change in the Sahel is its profound impact on food security. While climate change is not the sole driver of food insecurity, it plays a pivotal role by accelerating land degradation through more frequent and severe floods and droughts. This degradation reduces crop yields, diminishes food quality, and limits availability, particularly in fragile, conflict-affected areas. The destruction of infrastructure and displacement of communities caused by extreme weather further compound these challenges. Approximately 45,000 people in the Sahel suffered dire levels of hunger in 2023. In Burkina Faso, 42,000 people suffered from hunger, and 2,500 individuals in Mali suffered from malnourishment in the same year. Climate change and its impact threaten to worsen the food insecurity situation in the region.

The lives of millions in the Sahel are profoundly affected by the intensifying impacts of climate change. Despite contributing less than 1 per cent of the global emissions, Sahelian countries are among the most vulnerable to climate change. Persistent flash floods and riverine flooding, driven by increasingly extreme weather patterns, have become commonplace across the region. In 2022, approximately 110 million Africans were directly affected by climate change, with 5,000 fatalities recorded in the Sahel. Of these deaths, 48% were attributed to droughts, and 43% resulted from floods. Extreme floods during the monsoon season further threaten lives and property, compounding the region’s vulnerabilities. The consequences of climate change also exacerbate competition for scarce natural resources, escalating violence and instability. One stark example is Nigeria’s growing frequency and intensity of farmer-herder clashes. These conflicts are rooted in competition over dwindling resources, such as grazing lands and water, which are increasingly scarce due to erratic weather patterns and prolonged droughts. As pastures for livestock become unavailable, herders are forced to migrate into farming communities, fueling tensions and violent disputes.

The ECOWAS has taken various steps to address the ongoing instability in the Sahel. The body created the Regional Climate Strategy (RCS) and Action Plan for 2022-2030. The vision and aim of the RCS Action Plan is to collaborate with member states in overcoming the fight against climate change and enhance community resilience and management to grow economic opportunities. It aims for long-term, low carbon, sustainable development and reduction of poverty. Also, ECOWAS is collaborating with other international organisations, such as the United Nations (UN), to enhance data collection, sharing and analysis, and early warning systems.

Despite these efforts, climate change continues to exacerbate existing vulnerabilities in the Sahel, highlighting critical shortcomings in the RCS. One of the strategy’s most significant challenges is its financial instability, as member states have not adequately funded its implementation. The lack of a clear financing mechanism undermines the strategy’s effectiveness, leaving many projects underfunded or uninitiated. Furthermore, the RCS does not explicitly point out the urgency of addressing the impact of climate change on the most vulnerable., limiting its ability to deliver targeted interventions where they are most needed.

To mitigate these issues, ECOWAS and Sahelian countries must prioritise strengthening regional cooperation. Open and meaningful dialogue among member states is essential to underscore the urgency of the climate crisis and its far-reaching consequences. ECOWAS must adopt a transparent and assertive approach, emphasising that collective action and collaboration are mutually beneficial in the fight against climate change.

Revisiting the RCS and addressing its existing shortcomings is imperative. Establishing a well-defined financing mechanism, with commitments from member states and support from international donors, is critical to ensuring the strategy’s sustainability. Additionally, the RCS must explicitly address the needs of vulnerable populations, incorporating targeted measures to alleviate their unique challenges. These steps will bolster the strategy’s overall effectiveness and enable it to produce tangible results.

Beyond climate-specific actions, addressing the underlying grievances driving violent conflicts in the Sahel is crucial. Economic development initiatives and strengthening democratic institutions must be central to regional stabilisation efforts. Creating job opportunities, rebuilding infrastructure, and fostering social cohesion can reduce tensions and promote sustainable peace.

By taking these steps and realising the full potential of collaborative strategies like the RCS, ECOWAS and its member states can forge a more resilient and prosperous future for the Sahel. These measures will not only alleviate the immediate effects of climate change but also address the broader socio-economic challenges that perpetuate instability in the region.

Gender plays a significant role in shaping how individuals experience and are treated in situations of violence. In armed conflicts, women and girls are often perceived primarily as victims—a well-founded perspective. Women are disproportionately affected by the humanitarian crises that accompany violent conflicts, bearing the brunt of displacement, insecurity, and social disruption. In 2023, the protracted violent conflict in Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states plunged 8.4 million people into humanitarian need. Of this number, 59 per cent were women and girls. Similarly, out of the 2.2 million people living in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps as a result of the conflict, 55 per cent were women.

However, women are not only victims of violence but can also be active participants and enablers. For instance, though the dominant view is that women protested and campaigned during the Niger Delta insurgency, they also played important roles as combatants. Additionally, women as active participants in violent conflict came to the fore at the height of the Boko Haram insurgency. In June 2014, Boko Haram started deploying girls and women as suicide bombers. Some women and girls were gunrunners, recruiters, intelligence gatherers, and scouts for the group. The trend increased as Boko Haram continued their activities. Between 2014 and February 2018, 468 women were deployed or arrested in connection with 240 suicide bombings.

This trend has continued to evolve. Bandits in the northwest region are increasingly employing women in their operations. Over the past three years, women have played notable roles in arms trafficking. Between December 2022 and February 2023, the Zamfara state police arrested several female gunrunners who were allegedly supplying arms to bandits. In 2021, Zamfara State police arrested a woman linked to arms and ammunition smuggling for bandits. More recently, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) arrested a lady while attempting to deliver an AK-47 rifle concealed in a bag of garri to a notorious bandit in Katsina State.

The relationship between gender and violence is multifaceted, as women can transition from victims to enablers of violence. Several factors contribute to this shift. One is Nigeria’s economic downturn and gender disparities in poverty, which make women more susceptible to recruitment by non-state actors. Despite comprising 49.45 per cent of Nigeria’s population in 2023, women constitute 70 per cent of the country’s extremely poor. Promises of financial incentives from violent groups lure some women into participating. Also, limited access to resources can make women susceptible to a life of violence. In northwestern Nigeria, approximately 70 per cent of women are likely to be excluded from financial services and the formal economy.

Women can also become enablers of violence because of the sense of security that comes with it. In some areas controlled by Boko Haram, marriage can help with protection and various benefits. These protection benefits can give them some leverage and power. In turn, this allows these women who have gained economic powers to participate in the operations of non-state actors and spread violence and mayhem to other civilians. Religious indoctrination is another key factor in explaining why women go from victims to perpetrators. Girls and women who end up being kidnapped by non-state actors such as Boko Haram become religiously radicalised and groomed to carry out their operations. Through this process, they may become recruiters, gunrunners, or even suicide bombers.

These complexities demand a nuanced understanding of the impact of Nigeria’s mounting security challenges on girls and women. Thus, there is a need for continuous discourse around it. This will create a better understanding of the complexities of gender and its role in violence. Addressing these issues requires concerted actions from all stakeholders. The mainstream media will need to capture the gender dynamics of violence in the Nigerian context. This means media reporting has to be gender-sensitive. According to the Monthly Nigeria Violent Conflict Bulletin, the country has not been thoroughly gender-sensitive in their reporting. The mainstream media and channels must be intentional in capturing and reporting gender dynamics of violent conflict in Nigeria. The government should be intentional in investing in comprehensive research to understand the gendered impacts of violence. Data-driven policies can help address the vulnerabilities of women and girls more effectively.

The government, civil societies (CSOs), and other relevant stakeholders should work with communities and religious organisations to counter violent extremism. There should be continuous education on how violent conflict affects women and girls. Steps should be taken to support women and girls who are victims of violence. Such support will enable their full integration into society.

Women’s inclusion in decision-making concerning peace and security is crucial. This will help counter violent extremism and the stereotypes about women. Various research has shown that countries with significant gender equality are more likely to resolve conflict without violence. Women have a role to play in the peace-building process and can be instrumental in preventing women who were once victims of violence from becoming enablers of it. This will create a more equitable and peaceful society.

As the world commemorates the 16 days of activism, there is a need for the government and various stakeholders to understand how gender plays into violence and, with that understanding, create policies that are gender sensitive and inclusive. This will help protect women who have been victimised and give them voices. This will bring a good level of awareness to the issue women face and how violence shapes women’s lives.

Mob violence, or jungle justice, has become an alarming trend in Nigeria, underpinned by a breakdown of trust in formal institutions. According to Amnesty International Nigeria’s Director, this disturbing rise in mob violence is directly linked to the failure of law enforcement agencies, particularly the Nigeria Police Force, to prevent such incidents, investigate allegations of torture and killings, and bring perpetrators to justice. This systemic failure, coupled with weak and alleged corrupt legal institutions, has emboldened mobs to take the law into their own hands, resulting in tragic consequences.

Mob violence is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria, but its prevalence and brutality have surged significantly in recent years. Often carried out in the form of beating, stoning or the use of improvised weapons, the victims are mostly accused of theft, witchcraft, kidnapping, or other crimes without due process. According to Amnesty International, there have been 555 victims of mob violence from 363 documented incidents across Nigeria. Prominent cases such as the lynching of four students in Aluu, Rivers State, in 2012 and the burning alive of Deborah Samuel, a student accused of blasphemy in Sokoto State in 2022. More recently, angry youths set ablaze suspected cult members in Jenta Adamu Community, Jos North Local Government Area of Plateau.

The prevalence of mob justice has been attributed to institutional failures. One of which is the inefficiency of law enforcement. The Nigeria Police Force has been criticised for its inadequate capacity to prevent crimes and enforce the rule of law. Underfunding, poor training, and insufficient manpower hinder effective policing. For instance, Nigeria’s police-to-population ratio is estimated at 1:1000, significantly below the United Nations’ recommended standard of 1:460. This inadequacy means that many communities rely on self-help measures to address criminality. In this regard, there has also been a proliferation of local policing vigilantism, which has pros and cons.

In another light, alleged corruption within Nigeria’s legal system has made it difficult for victims of mob violence to obtain justice. Reports of judicial officers being compromised and cases being unnecessarily delayed are widespread. This fosters a belief that formal channels of justice are not just inaccessible but also ineffective, encouraging individuals to resort to extrajudicial measures. Incidents of mob justice can also be traced to socioeconomic challenges. High levels of poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment create an environment where mob violence thrives. Low education levels often mean individuals are ignorant of the potential consequences of their actions, making them susceptible to participation in mob violence.

Mob Violence possesses a host of implications. The unchecked prevalence of mob violence undermines Nigeria’s democratic values and the rule of law. It perpetuates a cycle of impunity where perpetrators go unpunished, further emboldening others. Additionally, the psychological trauma inflicted on survivors, families of victims, and even communities is profound. Such incidents erode social cohesion and create an environment of fear and lawlessness.

In light of the surge of incidents of mob violence, addressing the vice must begin by strengthening law enforcement. The Nigeria Police Force must be adequately funded, equipped, and trained to respond swiftly to crime and prevent mob actions. Community policing initiatives should be expanded and strengthened to build trust between the police and local communities. Increasing the police-to-population ratio through targeted recruitment and ensuring accountability within the force can also restore public confidence. Furthermore, comprehensive legal reforms are crucial to enhance the efficiency of Nigeria’s judiciary. Punishment for perpetrators of mob violence should serve as a deterrent to others, and high-profile cases should be pursued rigorously.

Government agencies, civil society organisations, and religious leaders are significant in spearheading awareness campaigns emphasising the dangers and illegality of mob violence. Grassroots engagement through town hall meetings, schools, and religious centres can educate communities on the importance of due process and the repercussions of extrajudicial actions. Addressing the underlying socioeconomic drivers of mob violence requires investments in education, job creation, and poverty alleviation programs.

Mob violence in Nigeria reflects deeper societal fractures rooted in institutional inefficiencies, socioeconomic challenges, and public frustration with the justice system. By strengthening law enforcement, reforming the judiciary, and addressing socioeconomic challenges, meaningful strides can be attained towards curbing jungle justice.

Power supply is a critical driver of economic and social development. In Nigeria, persistent power challenges disrupt progress, costing the country $26 billion annually. Businesses grappling with inconsistent electricity spend $22 billion yearly on off-grid fuel to maintain operations, significantly increasing costs. A major contributor to this crisis is the vandalisation of power infrastructure, which severely hampers Nigeria’s ability to provide consistent electricity.

The destruction of power infrastructure is escalating, worsening Nigeria’s fragile power supply. Between January and August 2024, vandals destroyed 63 transmission installations, including 17 towers, and stole critical components such as conductors, underground cables, and braces. These attacks, predominantly in northern Nigeria but also affecting southern and eastern regions, undermine progress in power generation and disrupt the transmission network.

The economic impact of vandalism is profound. From January 2022 to October 2024, the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) spent ₦29.3 billion repairing 266 vandalised electric towers. Additionally, from January to November 2024, the federal government incurred ₦8.8 billion in repairs to damaged transmission infrastructure. Businesses bear the brunt of these disruptions, as seen during the week-long blackout caused by vandalism, which inflicted significant losses on enterprises in Bauchi, Jigawa, and Gombe States.

Vandalism exacerbates the high cost of electricity, placing an enormous financial burden on Nigerians already struggling with economic hardship. According to Nextier’s All On Off-Grid Energy Business Report, vandalism contributes to rising energy costs. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) predicts that household expenditures will continue to rise through January 2025, depleting savings and forcing many Nigerians to rely on borrowing to meet basic needs. The inflated cost of electricity due to infrastructure destruction further deepens the hardship for households. Vandalism not only disrupts power supply but also endangers lives and property. The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) reported at least 126 electricity-related accidents between January and September 2023, with vandalism responsible for 13 per cent of these incidents. These accidents resulted in 79 fatalities, 72 injuries, and the destruction of property, highlighting the severe human and economic toll of vandalism on power infrastructure.

The Nigerian government has responded to the persistent vandalisation of power infrastructure by enacting the Electricity Power Reform Act of 2023, which replaces the Electricity Reform Power Act of 2005. This new legislation imposes a three-year prison term, a fine, or both on individuals who damage electricity apparatus. Despite this measure, vandalism continues to threaten the stability of Nigeria’s power supply. A multi-pronged approach involving enforcement, community engagement, and technology is essential to eradicate this menace.

The government must strictly enforce the Electricity Power Reform Act of 2023. Effective enforcement requires ensuring offenders face stringent penalties to deter future violations. Periodic evaluations of the law’s implementation are crucial to identify gaps and make necessary adjustments. Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity to prosecute offenders swiftly and effectively will also enhance the act’s deterrent effect.

Engaging local communities is critical in reducing the vandalisation of power infrastructure. Community-oriented projects, education campaigns, and outreach initiatives in areas prone to vandalism can foster a sense of social responsibility. Educating residents about the economic and social consequences of vandalism, such as power outages and financial burdens, can discourage these activities. Building trust through transparency and accountability will encourage communities to support safeguarding efforts. The creation of local vigilante groups, supported and trained by the government, can provide additional security for power infrastructure. These groups can act as a first line of defence while promoting community ownership of the fight against vandalism.

Deploying advanced technology can significantly bolster the protection of power infrastructure. Installing surveillance systems, such as high-resolution cameras and aerial monitoring using satellite imagery, can provide real-time oversight of critical installations. Vibrator sensors, which detect unusual frequencies associated with tampering, can alert authorities to vandalism attempts before significant damage occurs. These technological solutions can act as both preventive and responsive measures.

To ensure long-term success, the government must adopt an integrated approach, combining legislative enforcement, community involvement, and technological advancements. Collaboration with stakeholders, including private sector actors and local authorities, will be essential in pooling resources and expertise. By implementing these measures, Nigeria can significantly reduce and eventually eliminate the vandalisation of power infrastructure, fostering a more stable and efficient power supply for its citizens.

Violent conflict in the form of terrorism and banditry is one of the significant issues facing Nigeria. It is more profound in northern Nigeria. Civilians in the northern regions have faced security threats that range from kidnappings, extortions, and killings to attacks by non-state actors such as Boko Haram and bandits. Although Boko Haram is responsible for thousands of deaths in other neighbouring countries, Nigeria is by far the most affected by the insurgent group. On the other hand, bandits exacerbate the issue of insecurity. According to Nextier’s violent database, from June 3, 2020, to November 25 2024, there were 1,683 banditry incidents, and it resulted in 9,192 casualties and 8,271 kidnap victims. Amid the chaos, children are very much affected and left vulnerable, and this significantly affects the children and Nigeria at large.

Children in violent conflict zones are exploited and forced into poverty. Girls are significantly affected. In armed conflict zones, most sexual violations are perpetrated towards girls. Boys are recruited as child soldiers. This has enormous implications for Nigeria’s human development index (HDI). According to the United Nations Development Program Human Development Report, despite Nigeria’s HDI seeing a 22 per cent increase in 19 years, it is still low at 0.548. Nigeria’s HDI number places it among the countries with the lowest HDI. Children’s circumstances in violent conflict regions will significantly affect their development, especially their education. Education plays a significant role in the improvement of HDI. Nana and Idris’s (2019) study on the impact of education on the quality of life in Nigeria showed that education positively affected Nigeria’s HDI in the short and long run. Some studies have shown that schooling improves individual health and well-being. However, children in violent conflict zones do not get the chance to get the education they need because, in armed conflict areas, schools are either shut down or destroyed.

As families become displaced, children begin to lose access to quality education. Conflict also worsens strained educational systems. For instance, before the escalation of the conflict in northeastern Nigeria, the northeast’s educational system was strained. According to a United Nations International Children’s Fund report on the impact of conflict on northeast Nigeria’s development, (UNICEF), more than half of children in the northeast were out of school in 2008. In Adamawa state, 32.9 per cent were out of school in 2008, Yobe 63.5 per cent, and Borno 73.4 per cent. As conflict began to peak, school enrolment decreased as terrorist groups targeted schools. The activities of bandits, such as the kidnapping of school children, have caused families to become fearful about sending their children to school. This has increased the low attendance rate of schools in the region. Since educating children in armed conflict zones is extremely difficult, Nigeria’s hope for an improved HDI has become more challenging.

Violent conflicts exacerbate poor health conditions and have a detrimental effect on human capital. Children’s health, in particular, is significantly affected by armed conflicts. The activities of terrorist groups such as Jama’tu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) are known to have increased child mortality, worsened child malnutrition rate, suppressed the use of vaccines, and increased children’s mental health crisis and psychological trauma. Children in armed conflict areas are often prone to malnutrition. According to UNICEF, 1 in 5 children in armed conflict zones suffer severe acute malnutrition. Malnutrition of children due to violent conflict comes with detrimental economic costs. It leads to a loss of productivity. This, in turn, slows down economic growth and development. On a microeconomic level, an estimated 1 per cent loss in adult height due to childhood stunting equals a 1.4 per cent loss of human capital. Since morbidity and mortality are associated with malnutrition, it leads to a direct loss of human capital. This results in a significant future productivity loss and a lower standard of living due to very low economic growth and development.

In September 2015, Nigeria adopted the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Some of these SDGs include access to quality education, good health and well-being, and a peaceful, inclusive and just society. However, children in conflict zones make attaining some of these goals very challenging. The well-being of children is crucial in achieving some of the SDGs. During armed conflict, children’s education comes to a halt, their health is negatively affected, and they face various injustices. This affects their overall development and makes it difficult for them to contribute to the nation’s future growth and development.

Investing in the safety of children is investing in Nigeria’s future. Therefore, the government must be proactive against insurgent groups. Recently, the Nigerian Defence Headquarters reported the emergence of a terrorist group known as Lukarawas. They have been recruiting in the northwest region since 2018. Their ability to infiltrate Nigeria through Niger shows that the Nigerian government has not been proactive enough. Being proactive will involve reasonable border control and good partnerships with vulnerable communities. , including establishing the border patrol corps. However, Nigeria still struggles to secure its borders. The government must invest in the development of border infrastructures. This includes building border surveillance towers and checkpoints, deploying drones for aerial surveillance, and a biometric identification system. This will help prevent further escalation of insecurity in the country. This will, in turn, protect the well-being of children.

In conflict zones, education is significantly threatened. This makes access to education difficult. For children to have good access to quality education and be safe, there must be specific policies in place that address the growing educational needs of children in conflict zones. According to the Education Research in Conflict and Protracted Crisis (ERICC), though Nigeria has enacted various policies to address the attack on education, their implementation has been slow, especially in some parts of Northeastern Nigeria. The federal government of Nigeria has identified inadequate funding and logistic issues as some of the challenges hindering the implementation of these policies. The government must ensure that these policies are adequately funded for effective and efficient implementation. Investing in technology will spur innovation and address the logistic challenges of implementing these policies. There is limited data on the level of access to education in conflict areas in Nigeria. The government will need to embrace technology to address the limited data on access to education in areas affected by violent conflict. This will ensure that policies that aim to protect children and ensure access to education are evidence-based and data-driven.

The well-being of children is essential to future national development. Unfettered access to health services is critical for sustaining children’s health. However, this is severely compromised in areas affected by armed conflicts as hospitals are attacked, thereby limiting access and the provision of healthcare services. The government and other stakeholders must prioritise providing essential healthcare services to children. Such policy actions should include the protection of health facilities and the safety of healthcare workers.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is experiencing a demographic surge. With a population exceeding 200 million and an average age of 19.2, Nigeria’s population is projected to double to 400 million by 2050, potentially positioning the nation as the third most populous in the world. While a youthful and growing population can provide a significant labour force and attract foreign investment, it also poses critical challenges if not properly managed.  Nigeria’s high birth rate remains a significant challenge. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) projects 700,000 unwanted pregnancies annually in Nigeria, leading to 300,000 unplanned births and a similar number of abortions. Without effective family planning, the birth rate will spiral further, straining every sector and social services.

Nigeria’s rapid population growth has outpaced job creation, exacerbating poverty. In its latest report on Nigeria’s development, the World Bank estimates that 56% of Nigerians—approximately 129 million people—live in extreme poverty, a sharp increase from 40.1% in 2018. Job growth remains slow, with unemployment at 5.3% in 2023 and youth unemployment at 8.4%. These figures underscore the widening gap between job demand and supply. Without a robust job creation strategy, the growing labour force could become a burden, deepening economic inequalities.

Nigeria has struggled with insecurity for over a decade, especially in the northern region. Unemployment and poverty largely contribute to insecurity and political instability. Many unemployed youths are vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups or involvement in criminal activities. For example, a study of unemployment and insecurity in some local government areas in Rivers State, Nigeria, found that high unemployment rates, especially among youth, are one of the significant causes of insecurity and social vices.  The country’s growing population is also affecting the fight against food insecurity. The United Nations predicts that by 2030, 82 million (64 per cent) Nigerians will go hungry. The strain on agricultural resources, coupled with inadequate food production systems, could worsen with unchecked population growth, potentially aggravating conflicts over scarce resources.

The population boom will outpace Nigeria’s infrastructural development. Issues such as inadequate transportation, energy shortages, and water supply challenges will intensify.  With 24.4 million people without a house, Nigeria is one of the countries with one of the highest numbers of homeless people in the world. A continuous population boom will make it challenging to deal with homelessness, and the issue will intensify the burden on Nigeria’s already fragile healthcare system. Challenges like inadequate healthcare infrastructure, limited access to quality care, and insufficient healthcare personnel will worsen.

A strategic population plan is essential for the booming population. It will help the government prepare and tackle the future adequately. Nigeria has not conducted a population census since 2006, leaving policymakers to rely on estimates. Nigeria has not conducted a population census since 2006, leaving the population figures open to speculation. The next population census scheduled for May 2023 was rescheduled indefinitely. A comprehensive census is critical for accurate planning and resource allocation. The government must prioritise this exercise to ensure data-driven policies.

Education of young people, especially girls, can be a tool for population control. There is a link between female education and childbirth. The more a woman progresses in her education level, the more likely she is to have fewer children.  Also, investing significantly in education improves a country’s human development index (HDI). Nigeria ranks 157 out of 189 countries on the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) HDI. A solid commitment to improving the country’s HDI through educating its young population will improve Nigeria’s ranking

The government needs to raise awareness about birth control, especially in regions that are experiencing a rapid population boom. Nigeria’s uptake of contraceptives is low. According to a 2021 United Nations International Children Emergency Fund survey, only 4 out of 10 women use contraceptives. The Nigerian government, together with various stakeholders, should raise awareness about the importance of birth control. Nigeria has a family planning policy. However, according to  UNFPA, the funding gap for Nigeria’s family planning widened from $25 million in 2022 to $32 million in 2023. With support from international agencies, addressing the funding gaps will enable the government to implement effective birth control programmes.

Job creation in Nigeria needs to keep up with its growing population.  The private sector accounts for  74.4 per cent of Nigeria’s workforce. This shows its dominant role in job creation for the population. The government will need to invest in small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and create an enabling environment for them to thrive. In Nigeria, SMEs contribute approximately 48 per cent to the country’s GDP and makeup 84 per cent of Nigeria’s workforce. Efficient growth and development of SMEs will help lift people out of poverty. SMEs can create job opportunities for vulnerable and marginalised groups, spur economic development, and reduce income inequality and poverty. Investing adequately in SMEs and the private sector will ensure the labour market can absorb the growing workforce.

For over a decade, Nigeria has battled terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and its offshoot, the Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP). These groups have devastated communities, particularly in the Northeast, with Borno State being the most brutal hit. According to the Nextier Violent Conflicts Database, from June 2020 to October 2024, Borno had 290 incidents and 3,011 casualties from terrorism. Also, within that time frame,163 kidnappings have been recorded in the state alone. In response to Boko Haram’s territorial control and escalated attacks, including the high-profile abduction of 276 schoolgirls, the Nigerian military launched a coordinated counter-terrorism effort in 2015.

Despite these efforts, terrorism has spread to neighbouring countries within the Lake Chad region, affecting Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, with Boko Haram responsible for thousands of deaths across the area from 2011 to 2023. Recognising the need for a unified response, the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) was established under the African Union’s peace and security framework, enabling collaborative military action across borders. The MNJTF’s intensified campaigns significantly diminished Boko Haram’s territorial hold, leading to a reduction in terrorist activity.

However, in 2016, Boko Haram formally split into two factions: Jama’atu Ahl as-Sunnah li-Da’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) and ISWAP, creating new security challenges for Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad region. Recent military coups in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso have further exacerbated these issues, weakening regional cooperation and spurring a resurgence of terrorist groups. The situation is complicated by these junta-led governments’ stated intention to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and to establish a separate security framework, the Alliance des États du Sahel.

The recent coups and the breakdown of regional cooperation have severe implications for Nigeria and its neighbours. Recently, Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters (DHQ) confirmed the emergence of a new terrorist group, the Lukawaras, operating in the Northwest. Major General Edward Buba reported that the group originated from Niger Republic and has infiltrated northern areas of Sokoto and Kebbi, exploiting the weakened military cooperation between Niger and Nigeria following Niger’s coup. The Lukawaras, who finance their activities through cattle theft and demands for zakat, have reportedly killed 15 people and stolen 100 cattle in Kebbi State alone.

The resurgence of new terrorist organisations and coups and the lack of cooperation will further weaken unity and collaboration among the countries. On October 27, 2024, Boko Haram launched an attack on Chad’s military base in Barkaram, near the Lake Chad Border. The attack led to the death of at least 40 Chadian soldiers. As a result of this, the Chadian president threatened to withdraw from the MNJTF, citing the lack of a united front against Boko Haram. This threat poses a serious problem to the fight and containment of terrorism.

Nigeria and other neighbouring countries have taken steps to stop terrorist organisations from expanding. This includes the Accra initiative established by Benin, Togo, Ivory Coast, and Ghana in 2017 to stop the expansion of violent extremist groups, terrorist attacks and transnational organised crime within their territories. Nigeria has been an observer since 2022. ECOWAS, on the other hand, has conducted numerous peace-keeping activities and developed the ECOWAS standby force (ESF) as part of the Africa Union (AU) peace and security architecture. However, the lack of a regional coordinated response, poor funding of initiatives and failure to address underlying issues have allowed terrorism to spread to other neighbouring regions and reemerge in Nigeria.

To properly stop the spread and re-emergence of terrorism, underlying issues must be addressed. Economic underdevelopment has led to high levels of unemployment, especially among youths, creating an accessible recruitment pool for terrorist groups. Some of the poorest states in Nigeria are in the North. Unemployment among young people makes them vulnerable. Investing in and creating an environment enabling job creation will be crucial in dispelling terrorism. ECOWAS and Nigeria also need to take a diplomatic approach toward junta countries. The countries withdrew from ECOWAS, believing that ECOWAS no longer serves their interest. According to them, ECOWAS has deviated from the focus of the founders and the quintessence of the Pan-African movement. ECOWAS and Nigeria should lay out processes to address the grievances behind these countries’ withdrawal. ECOWAS mandate should be comprehensively reviewed, and members should be given reassurance that they are aligned with the goal of economic development and infrastructural support and development.

ECOWAS and Nigeria need to understand that the dissatisfaction and disgruntlement with Western powers, especially France’s foreign policies in the affected countries, is one of the significant reasons for their withdrawal. ECOWAS and Nigeria need to have this understanding and advocate and support fairer and more equitable relations with Western countries. This will help dispel any suspicion that ECOWAS is being guided or used by Western powers. Reconciliation can work if both sides play an excellent role in ensuring it happens. The countries that have withdrawn should take the peace offered by ECOWAS and ensure democracy is restored. Also, all parties involved should know that the fight against terrorism requires regional cooperation. It is in the best interest of all parties to cooperate against terrorism.

Nigeria needs to guard its borders effectively. The government should incorporate cutting-edge technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) to help border security and control. Border infrastructure must be developed appropriately to ensure proper profiling of people in and out of the country. Nigeria will need to show other neighbouring countries, such as Chad, that they are committed to fighting terrorism and that they are willing to collaborate to effectively stop the resurgence of terrorism within the region.

The role of the United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General (UN SRSG) on Violence Against Children is pivotal in global advocacy and policy development aimed at ending all forms of violence against children. This mandate includes addressing issues ranging from physical and psychological abuse to exploitation and neglect, with an overarching focus on building frameworks that ensure children are free from violence in both domestic and institutional contexts.  The UN SRSG’s advocacy underscores the importance of comprehensive legal and policy frameworks that protect children across all settings. It encourages countries to develop protective mechanisms that prioritise minors’ rights, safety, and rehabilitation. Emphasising the lasting impact of violence on children’s mental health and development, the UNSRSG highlights how children’s exposure to violence, whether state-sanctioned or otherwise, leaves deep, often irreversible impacts on mental health and development, with long-term consequences for society at large.

During the first global ministerial conference on ending violence against children in Bogotá, Colombia, leaders from over 100 countries shared their actions to protect children’s rights. The SRSG’s mandate provides crucial insights for nations like Nigeria, where systems for protecting vulnerable minors remain inadequately aligned with international child protection standards. The charging of several minors with treason in the country highlights both the urgency of protecting children in conflict with the law and the need for a recalibrated approach to juvenile justice in Nigeria.

The charges, reportedly connected to youth involvement in protests and political dissent, reveal a concerning trend towards criminalising juvenile political participation. Charging minors with treason not only places them in a precarious legal situation but also exposes them to the possibility of harsh penalties within a criminal justice system that lacks child-specific protections. This approach stands in stark contrast to global best practices, which prioritise rehabilitation and psychosocial support over punitive measures for minors, especially in political or conflict settings.

While Nigeria has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and passed the Child Rights Act (CRA), implementation gaps remain significant. As of December 28, 2023, all Nigerian states have adopted the CRA. However, implementation and enforcement of these laws remain to be seen. Existing juvenile justice structures often treat minors in a manner inconsistent with their developmental needs, with many juveniles subjected to the same detention conditions as adults. Furthermore, resources for psychological rehabilitation, legal representation, and social reintegration of children in conflict with the law are limited, exposing minors to harmful environments that only exacerbate trauma and hinder social reintegration.

To protect children effectively, Nigeria must prioritise comprehensive reforms that align juvenile justice systems with international standards and the SRSG’s recommendations.  Federal and state governments should expedite the domestication and implementation of the CRA, which provides the legal basis for protecting children’s rights in alignment with international standards. This would help prevent the criminalisation of minors and ensure that protections are extended uniformly across all regions of the country.

Nigeria must invest in expanding the network of specialised juvenile courts with trained personnel who understand child rights and developmental psychology. Such courts would provide minors with an environment that prioritises their rehabilitation and recognises the developmental differences between minors and adults. Something is currently lacking in the country, exemplified by the holding of minors in Kuje maximum prison in the same cells as adults.

Additionally, civil society organisations, in partnership with the UN SRSG, should intensify advocacy efforts to educate communities and authorities about children’s rights. Greater public awareness would reduce societal tolerance for violence against children and foster a protective environment. Nigeria must also invest in support services for minors who encounter the justice system. This includes access to mental health resources, legal aid, and educational support, which are critical for the holistic rehabilitation of children in conflict with the law. Importantly, a system that ensures accountability for the mistreatment of minors within the legal system is crucial. By establishing monitoring bodies that work closely with organisations like UNICEF and the UN SRSG, Nigeria can ensure that children’s rights are protected consistently across legal, social, and community levels.

Nigeria’s treatment of minors accused of treason underscores the pressing need for reform in child protection and juvenile justice. Implementing the recommendations of the UN SRSG on Violence Against Children would be a meaningful step toward ensuring that Nigerian children are protected from violence and treated in a manner that supports their development and reintegration into society.

In Nigeria, SMEs contribute approximately 48 per cent to the country’s GDP. It also makes up 84 per cent of Nigeria’s workforce. This shows SMEs’ importance in driving Nigeria’s economic growth and development. However, Nigerian SMEs are struggling, which has implications for the country’s economy.

Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) are crucial to developing nations like Nigeria. They are very vital to economic growth. They also contribute significantly to developing countries’ economic output levels due to their vast numbers. SMEs also play a crucial role in job creation and help reduce unemployment, promote innovation, and introduce new products and services.

The National Bureau of Statistics 2023 report showed that SMEs numbers went down by 45 per cent across various economic sectors. SMEs numbers dropped from 246,200 in 2020 to 170,098 in 2022. This drastic decline dentures Nigeria’s ambition to become a 1000,000,000,000 economy by 2030. Various SMEs owners listed over-taxation, electricity failure, and insecurity as major concerns of SMEs. These issues contribute to the decline of SMEs and Nigeria’s overall economic growth and prosperity.

One reason for Nigeria’s SMEs’ struggles is over-taxation. Nigeria has a complex and difficult-to-understand tax system. Nigeria’s over-taxation or multiple taxation comes from various levels of government on all economic activities and assets. The Federal Revenue Inland Service, which is at the federal level, administers corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and withholding. At the state level are personal income, land use, and consumption taxes. Local government may impose tenement and property taxes. This makes taxpayers, especially SMEs, subject to over-taxation. Also, Nigerians pay over 60 official and 200 unofficial taxes. The Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reform, Mr Taiwo Oyedele, stated that more unauthorised taxes affect all SMEs unevenly. This unnecessary and complicated tax burden stifles SMEs’ progress in Nigeria. Approximately 80 per cent of SMEs fail within five years. Over-taxation kills the growth of many SMEs in Nigeria.

Access to an uninterrupted electricity supply is vital for SMEs to realise profitability. Nonetheless, Nigeria constantly struggles with adequate and stable power supply. This significantly affects the generation of profits for SMEs and leads to loss of profits. A study on erratic power supply and SMEs in Akwa Ibom state, Nigeria, showed that SMEs owners recorded reductions in profit margins due to erratic power supply. This also led to a reduction in the production and sales of goods and services. These erratic power supplies stagnate the growth and development of SMEs. Inadequate power supply also leads to high operational costs. Nigerians spend ₦3.5 trillion on fuelling generators, making it difficult to effectively do business in the country. The negative impact of inadequate supply has a larger impact on the country’s growth and development. As SMEs struggle to grow due to unreliable electricity supply, this affects the attainability of the country’s sustainable development goals, especially eradicating poverty. Efficient growth and development of SMEs help lift people out of poverty. SMEs can create job opportunities for vulnerable and marginalised groups, spur economic development, and reduce income inequality and poverty. This becomes difficult to achieve with the constant struggles with electricity supply.

A strong and secure country will experience economic growth and development. When the property and lives of people are protected, businesses flourish. Nigeria has been grappling with insecurity for more than a decade. Northern Nigeria is struggling with banditry and terrorism. South-eastern Nigeria is struggling to contain the violent secessionist group known as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Their compulsory sit-at-home orders make it harder for business owners to conduct business due to fear. This makes the country’s business unconducive for high-level performances. A scholarly study by Joseph Damjuma et al; on the effect of insecurity on SMEs performance in Nigeria found that insecurity issues such as terrorism negatively affected the output, capital utilisation, and value SMEs added to the country’s Gross Domestic Product. The stagnation of SMEs can also increase insecurity. Since insecurity contributes to the stagnation of SMEs growth, this further increases the country’s high unemployment and poverty rate, especially among youths. This makes people who are poor and without jobs vulnerable to recruitment by terrorist groups. As SMEs continue to struggle, fighting insecurity becomes harder because of high unemployment rates and poverty.

There is a need for tax harmonisation. The proposal for harmonising taxes promises to ease how businesses operate in Nigeria. The Nigerian government should ensure such a proposal becomes law. Before it is done, there should be relevant engagement with government agencies and business owners on the best way to harmonise taxes in the country. The tax process should be simplified and less cumbersome to foster economic growth and development. A new law that exempts SMEs from paying withholding tax will be fully implemented on the 1^st of January 2025. The government should properly evaluate its impact on SMEs two years after its implementation. This will create a better understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the law and if there is a need for improvement.

To combat erratic power supply, expanding mini-grids will ease the means of doing business and help SMEs grow. It has the potential to provide a reliable power supply and can provide decentralised sustainable solutions. However, high the tariff design is troublesome. This is because developers charge high tariffs to cover investment and operational costs. To solve these developers should conduct thorough tariff studies to find a balance between consumers’ affordability and the financial viability of these projects. Innovative financing models such as pay-as-you-go can be utilised.

The government will need to effectively combat insecurity in Nigeria. One way to do this is to improve non-kinetic approaches to insecurity. Non-kinetic methods are simply using non-aggressive methods to combat insecurity. Between 2016 and 2017, the use of non-kinetic force led to 2000 Boko Harm members surrendering. Improving this method will be instrumental in combating insecurity. Fostering dialogues can also help fight insecurity. There should be a two-way dialogue between the Nigerian government and IPOB to bring critical solutions and long-lasting peace.